How Recruitment Channels Feed Labour Exploitation in Dubai

Written by Elizaveta H-Zakharevich

Introduction

The United Arab Emirates, and Dubai in particular, is frequently portrayed as a symbol of modern prosperity. Its skyline, artificial islands, and global business infrastructure project an image of limitless opportunity and economic ambition. Yet beneath this polished façade lies a more complex reality shaped not only by rapid development, but also by the human cost of building a global city at extraordinary speed.[1] For millions of migrant workers, particularly from South Asia, the promise of higher wages and financial stability has drawn them into the UAE’s expanding economy. For many, however, that promise exists alongside restrictive employment systems, harsh working conditions, and an ongoing struggle for dignity and security.[2]

This tension reflects a broader question at the heart of Dubai’s development. Can economic progress truly be considered success if it comes at the expense of the workers who sustain it? Understanding this requires looking not only at labour conditions within the UAE, but also at the recruitment channels that bring workers into the country and shape their experiences long before they arrive.

Dubai’s Economic Transformation and Reliance on Migrant Labour

In the early twentieth century, it was a modest coastal settlement reliant on fishing, pearling, and regional trade. The collapse of the pearling industry in the 1930s forced economic adaptation and embedded a commercial mindset that would shape its future. The discovery of oil in 1966 accelerated development, with revenues invested in infrastructure such as ports and roads.[3] By the 1980s and 1990s, leadership deliberately began diversifying away from oil, investing heavily in logistics, aviation, and free trade zones such as Jebel Ali, laying the foundation for Dubai’s transformation into a global centre for commerce.[4]

The 2000s and 2010s marked a period of dramatic real estate expansion and tourism growth, symbolised by landmark projects such as the Burj Khalifa and Palm Jumeirah. Non-oil sectors now dominate the economy, reinforcing the city’s position as a global business hub, where many opportunists move to grow their business empire.[5] At the same time, this development has relied heavily on migrant labour, creating a system in which economic ambition and labour vulnerability exist side by side.

Scale of Modern Slavery and Structural Vulnerability

The scale of this vulnerability is significant. The United Arab Emirates has one of the highest recorded prevalences of modern slavery in the Arab States region and among the highest globally. The Global Slavery Index estimates that in 2021 approximately 132,000 people were living in conditions of modern slavery in the country, equating to more than thirteen individuals per thousand residents.[6] Migrant workers are particularly vulnerable under the kafala sponsorship system, which ties workers’ legal status to their employers and creates a strong power imbalance. Although the UAE has introduced reforms to strengthen labour protections and remove some elements of the system, these measures have not fully addressed the structural inequalities.[7]

Recruitment as the Entry Point to Exploitation

Recruitment is often the point at which this vulnerability begins. Exploitive agencies target prospective migrants by presenting an enticing vision of life in Dubai, framed by promises of higher wages, stability, and the opportunity to support families back home.[8] These promises resonate strongly with individuals seeking to escape poverty and improve their circumstances. In reality, many migrants find themselves entering a system that exposes them to exploitation rather than prosperity.[9]

The process frequently starts with steep travel and visa costs. Under Emirati law, such expenses should be covered by employers, particularly when recruitment is employer initiated. In practice, however, migrants are often pressured into paying fees they cannot afford.[10] Even when employers initially cover these costs, workers who attempt to resign may be required to reimburse them. In other cases, recruitment expenses are deducted directly from wages. As a result, migrants often rely on loans from relatives, friends, or informal lenders, entering employment already burdened by debt. This financial dependence increases their vulnerability and limits their ability to leave exploitative situations.[11]

Life Within the Kafala System

High recruitment fees for low skilled workers frequently lead to debt bondage, forcing migrants to continue working under exploitative conditions to repay what they owe. Additional fraudulent practices include misleading workers about job roles and conditions, and contract substitution, where migrants are required to sign agreements in unfamiliar languages containing less favourable terms than those originally promised.[12] Reported abuses include passport confiscation, arbitrary fines, detention, deportation for alleged absconding, and unsafe or unstable working and living environments. High profile events such as Expo 2020 drew international attention to these issues, with reports highlighting widespread passport confiscation and other labour violations.[13]

Once workers arrive in the UAE, these pressures often intensify. The kafala sponsorship system ties migrant workers’ legal status directly to their employers, giving employers significant control over immigration status, employment, and often housing.[14] Many workers find themselves unable to change jobs, leave the country, or raise complaints without risking retaliation. Isolation from family and support networks further deepens this dependence.

Working conditions frequently involve long hours, limited rest, and wages far lower than originally promised. In some cases, wages are delayed or withheld entirely, exacerbating workers’ financial distress and trapping them in cycles of debt. The disparity between the wealth generated by Dubai’s development and the compensation received by many migrant workers highlights the structural inequality embedded within the system.[15] The original purpose of migration, to support families and improve livelihoods, often becomes difficult to fulfil, reinforcing cycles of vulnerability both in the UAE and in migrants’ home countries.

Legislative Reforms and Enforcement Gaps

Despite legislative reforms aimed at addressing abuses linked to the kafala system, enforcement gaps remain. There has been some hope as recruitment fees have been prohibited; workers are no longer required to obtain employer permission to change jobs or leave the country and labour dispute mechanisms have been expanded.[16] However, these reforms are inconsistently implemented, leaving many migrants exposed to continued exploitation. Authorities also tend to adopt a narrow definition of trafficking, often overlooking practices such as passport confiscation and wage theft as potential trafficking related offences. Labour protections do not fully extend to domestic workers and other vulnerable groups, further increasing their risk.[17]

Government Response and Remaining Gaps

The UAE has taken steps to address modern slavery and labour exploitation, and in some areas its response is more developed than that of other countries in the region. Reforms have strengthened labour protections, increased oversight, and expanded awareness campaigns, including the promotion of human trafficking hotlines and training for frontline responders.[18] However, significant gaps remain. Support services are limited, particularly for male victims and survivors of forced labour. Allegations of forced labour are often treated as regulatory violations rather than serious criminal offences, resulting in fines rather than imprisonment.

Recommendations for Reform

Addressing these challenges requires action at multiple levels. Stronger protections for migrant workers are needed, including expanding labour laws to cover domestic workers and ensuring workers can change jobs and leave the country without employer consent. Recruitment systems must be more tightly regulated to eliminate exploitative fees and deceptive practices.[19] Legal frameworks should fully criminalise all forms of modern slavery and ensure survivors are not punished for offences committed while under coercion. Greater investment in support services is also essential, ensuring that all survivors, including men and victims of forced labour, have access to assistance.[20] Furthermore, many establishments implement modern slavery declaration agreements, and this explicit acknowledgement plays an important role in increasing awareness.

Beyond national policy, attention must also be given to supply chains and business practices. Mandatory human rights due diligence and stronger accountability mechanisms could help prevent exploitation across sectors. Addressing discriminatory attitudes toward migrant workers and tackling gender inequality would further reduce vulnerability to abuse.[21]

Conclusion

Dubai today stands as a city defined by contrasts. Extraordinary wealth exists alongside structural inequality, rapid opportunity alongside economic volatility, and global prestige alongside persistent human rights scrutiny. Recruitment channels form the entry point into this system, shaping migrants’ experiences before they even arrive and often determining the conditions they will face once inside it. If economic progress is to be truly sustainable, it must be measured not only by infrastructure and investment, but by the protection, dignity, and rights afforded to the workers who make that progress possible. 

[1] A Garrett, ‘Modern-Day Slavery in the United Arab Emirates’ (Human Rights Research Center, 5 September 2023) <https://www.humanrightsresearch.org/post/modern-day-slavery-in-the-united-arab-emirates> accessed 27 January 2026.

[2] European Centre for Democracy and Human Rights, ‘The Hidden Cost of Progress: Human Rights Violations of Migrant Workers in the UAE’ <https://www.ecdhr.org/the-hidden-cost-of-progress-human-rights-violations-of-migrant-workers-in-the-uae/> accessed 1 February 2026.

[3] Walk Free, ‘Modern Slavery in United Arab Emirates’ (Global Slavery Index 2023) <https://www.walkfree.org/global-slavery-index/country-studies/united-arab-emirates/> accessed 28 January 2026.

[4] ibid.

[5] Walk Free, Global Slavery Index Country Study: United Arab Emirates (2023) <https://cdn.walkfree.org/content/uploads/2023/11/14130735/gsi-country-study-uae.pdf> accessed 1 February 2026.

[6] ibid.

[7] Garrett (n 1).

[8] European Centre for Democracy and Human Rights (n 2).

[9]  Garrett (n 1).

[10] Walk Free, Global Slavery Index Country Study (n 5).

[11] ibid.

[12] Garrett (n 1).

[13] European Centre for Democracy and Human Rights (n 2).

[14] Garrett (n 1).

[15] Walk Free, Global Slavery Index Country Study (n 5).

[16] Walk Free, ‘Modern Slavery in UAE’ (n 3).

[17] European Centre for Democracy and Human Rights (n 2).

[18] Walk Free, ‘Modern Slavery in UAE’ (n 3).

[19] Walk Free, Global Slavery Index Country Study (n 5).

[20] European Centre for Democracy and Human Rights (n 2).

[21] Garrett (n 1).

Bibliography

Garrett A, ‘Modern-Day Slavery in the United Arab Emirates’ (Human Rights Research Center, 5 September 2023) https://www.humanrightsresearch.org/post/modern-day-slavery-in-the-united-arab-emirates accessed 27^th January 2026.

Walk Free, ‘Modern Slavery in United Arab Emirates’ (Global Slavery Index 2023) https://www.walkfree.org/global-slavery-index/country-studies/united-arab-emirates/ accessed 28^th January 2026.

European Centre for Democracy and Human Rights, ‘The Hidden Cost of Progress: Human Rights Violations of Migrant Workers in the UAE’ https://www.ecdhr.org/the-hidden-cost-of-progress-human-rights-violations-of-migrant-workers-in-the-uae/ accessed 1^st February 2026.

Walk Free, Global Slavery Index Country Study: United Arab Emirates (2023) https://cdn.walkfree.org/content/uploads/2023/11/14130735/gsi-country-study-uae.pdf accessed 1^st February 2026.